Massenbach-Letter: NEWS 15/08/14

Massenbach-Letter. News

*Herausgegeben von Udo von Massenbach, Bärbel Freudenberg-Pilster, Joerg Barandat*

Guten Morgen.

· „Modernisierungspartnerschaft.“ oder „Der Irrweg des Westens“ von Gabor Steingart.

· NZZ-Serie 1914-1918 – Kaum lösbare Widersprüche in Deutschland vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

· What Iraq’s Kurdish Peshmerga Really Need

· Worldbank: Poor policies Restrain Growth in Seven Middle East & North Africa countries

· Ukraine suggests major revision for Gazprom-EU gas deals

· Expect Ukraine to be a basket case supported by Europe and by the IMF for years to come.

· The Battle for Iraq – Youtube – NZZ –


· Neue Zürcher Zeitung – Unterwegs im Terrorstaat

Massenbach* What Iraq’s Kurdish Peshmerga Really Need*

by Michael Knights

While the Kurds could use more ammunition and weapons, they also need coordination, air support, and logistical help — all of which the United States can provide on short notice.

Prior to August 1, the Iraqi Kurds had not felt the full brunt of attacks by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS, which now styles itself "the Islamic State"). Yet after a string of powerful ISIS strikes on Kurdish peshmerga units between Mosul and the Syrian border, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s forces are fully engaged. On August 5, KRG president Masoud Barzani stated, "We have decided to go on the offensive and fight the terrorists to the last breath."

The United States should certainly support its historic allies, the Iraqi Kurds, in this fight. However, amid a clamor of voices calling for Washington to arm the peshmerga, it is important to draw lessons from the recent fighting that highlight the Kurdish military’s more pressing needs.


On August 1-3, ISIS launched a phased offensive in western Ninawa province, in the triangle encompassing the Mosul Dam area, the Rabiyah border crossing with Syria, and the Sinjar district, a Kurdish-controlled salient populated mainly by Iraq’s Yazidi minority. The attacks caused a number of peshmerga units to fall back toward the KRG or even into Syrian Kurdistan to escape ISIS forces. Simultaneously, on the eastern side of the KRG in Diyala province, Kurdish forces are stuck in an attritional see-saw battle against ISIS in the twin towns of Jalula and Saadiya.

In a bid to explain the peshmerga setbacks in these battles, Kurdish media have focused on the need for more and newer weapons. Another key theme has been ammunition shortages — a traditional face-saver for Middle Eastern armies, based on the premise that even the bravest troops have to give way temporarily if they lack the means to fight.

While these explanations may be partially true, the battles in Ninawa and Diyala highlight a range of other weaknesses among the peshmerga that can and should be reduced through U.S. security cooperation. These weaknesses include:

  • Poor disposition of forces. Perhaps the main reason why western Ninawa fell to ISIS is because the disposition of Kurdish forces made it very difficult to defend that territory. The Sinjar and Rabiyah areas encompass a large strip of land along the Syrian border that extends deep into ISIS-held territory. Adequately garrisoning these areas requires significant forces, but only two small peshmerga brigades were stationed there on August 1. Likewise, ISIS was able to develop advanced outposts on either side of the Tigris River approaching Mosul Dam and in the Christian areas east of Mosul due to the paucity of peshmerga forces in those areas. This is not because the KRG has insufficient forces — rather, peshmerga units are overconcentrated around Kirkuk, where the two main Kurdish factions, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), are competing for influence.
  • Intra-Kurdish rivalries. The peshmerga’s stumbles in Ninawa and Diyala have hurt Kurdish military pride, prompting recriminations between KDP and PUK supporters. Worse yet, the setbacks were apparently caused in part by poor coordination between some KDP and PUK units, even when those units were mixed together in purportedly unified Regional Guard Brigades. Where RGB units have failed, the solution has often been to call on less professional but more trusted peshmerga units that remain under party control.
  • Alienation from Sunni tribes. Both western Ninawa and northern Diyala have strong Sunni Arab tribal networks. This is particularly true in Rabiyah, where the Shammar tribal confederation is based. Unfortunately, the Kurdish military has a bad relationship with tribes in both areas, meaning that peshmerga units can expect little or no intelligence support or reinforcements from these Sunni Arab communities. Although forging a better relationship is a tall order due to the bitter history of competing Arab and Kurdish territorial claims, such efforts may become vital if the KRG intends to garrison these areas in the long term.
  • Tactical surprise. Kurdish forces are no less vulnerable than the Iraqi army to the panic caused by surprise attacks, such as the June ISIS advance in Mosul and the more recent assault in Sinjar.
  • Inexperience. Although the peshmerga have received thorough training, particularly those in RGBs, many Kurdish units are still inexperienced. Their older commanders fought Saddam’s army in guerrilla warfare, but those experiences do not necessarily prepare them for vehicle-mounted militia warfare or counterinsurgency — the poacher does not automatically know how to be a gamekeeper. No senior peshmerga officer or planner has experience with modern combined-arms offensive warfare, while the rank and file are typically much younger, lacking combat experience and, critically, the Arabic language skills needed to interact profitably with Sunni Arab communities.
  • Equipment and logistics. The peshmerga have significant stocks of heavy weaponry, including tanks, rocket artillery, and howitzers, so any claim that ISIS can outgun them is simply untrue. But they may lack the ammunition required to sustain artillery barrages throughout the duration of offensive operations, as well as the spare parts and maintenance capabilities needed to keep armored vehicle fleets in service. In other words, the peshmerga face a logistics shortfall, not an equipment shortfall per se.


The United States has fought alongside the peshmerga in the past and can provide powerful assistance again. Weapons deliveries could be part of this effort; indeed, the simplest way to guarantee U.S. logistical and sustainment support is for the peshmerga to receive and use U.S. weapons and vehicles. In particular, items such as light antitank rockets, radios, night-vision aids, and body armor are badly needed. Yet Washington can also be of use in other ways, in some cases immediately:

  • Operational and intelligence support. Although ISIS practices good operational security, U.S. intelligence assets could undoubtedly help reduce the group’s ability to achieve tactical surprise against the peshmerga. Washington could also provide impartial advice that might help overcome some intra-Kurdish tensions over deployments and unit integration.
  • Airpower. The United States can help weave together peshmerga ground forces with federal Iraqi and U.S. airpower. During the 2003 U.S. invasion, the combination of peshmerga troops and American airstrikes was devastating. One key area of U.S. coordination might be the establishment and maintenance of a Fire Support Coordination Line (FSCL), which would designate map grids in which the Iraqi air force was free to conduct bombing runs at any given time. Only the U.S. military has the experience, the surveillance capabilities, and the links in Baghdad and Erbil to maintain a system capable of minimizing friendly fire incidents. If and when Iraqi F-16s and Apache helicopters become available, Baghdad could send a welcome signal to Erbil by having their first mission be supporting Kurdish forces — not posing a threat to them.
  • Logistics. The United States is well positioned to deliver stocks of Eastern Bloc ammunition and spare parts that the Kurds need to keep their Soviet-era heavy weapons in use. Sourcing these supplies through the United States rather than less scrupulous third parties might reassure Baghdad. This in turn could ease the difficulty of obtaining end-user certificates for arms delivered to the KRG.
  • Long-term integration of RGBs under a Ministry of Peshmerga. The United States has long backed efforts to professionalize Kurdish forces within a unified KRG ministry setting. U.S. involvement and training can help reduce the risk of future peshmerga defragmentation along party lines — an outcome that could be highly destabilizing for the KRG. The U.S. military should also provide combined arms training and advice to ensure effective employment of armor, infantry, artillery, and air assets.

Although the peshmerga suffered some hard knocks in the past couple weeks, they are already counterattacking — and far faster than the U.S.-trained Iraqi army, it must be said. The Kurdish military remains the ideal ally against ISIS: it is highly motivated, quite well equipped, and perfectly positioned to assault ISIS along a broad front. Now is the time to commence U.S. airstrikes in support of the peshmerga, and to greatly intensify broad-based U.S. security cooperation. The latter effort should be structured to last well beyond the current fight against ISIS and involve more than the provision of U.S. weapons.

Michael Knights is a Boston-based Lafer Fellow with The Washington Institute.

*Vladimir Putin will meet with President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan in Sochi on August 9*

….On the same day, the President will give the signal via video linkup to start exploratory drilling operations at the West Alpha drilling rig in the Kara Sea… Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin and President of ExxonMobil Russia Glenn Waller will take part in the launch ceremony in person at the rig in the Kara Sea.

Drilling at the Universitetskaya-1 site will take place in open waters during the ice-free drilling season from August through to late October. The West Alpha rig has undergone additional modernisation to enable it to operate in the Arctic waters and has been furnished with innovative ice control equipment and a system for avoiding collisions with icebergs. … ExxonMobil is one of Rosneft’s oldest and biggest partners, with whom it is working on several projects.

The two oil companies continue the work on the liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility to be located on Sakhalin Island in the Russian Far East and launched in 2018. Last year the two companies also signed documents establishing a joint venture to implement a pilot project for tight oil reserves development in Western Siberia.


Freudenberg-Pilster* „Modernisierungspartnerschaft.“ oder „Der Irrweg des Westens“ von Gabor Steingart

Liebe Leserinnen und Leser des Morning Briefings,

herzlichen Dank für Ihr Interesse an dem Manuskript „Der Irrweg des Westens“. Im Auftrag von Handelsblatt-Herausgeber Gabor Steingart sende ich Ihnen anbei den gewünschten Text.

Ich wünsche Ihnen viel Freude beim Lesen. Für inhaltliche Rückmeldungen – Zustimmung, Kritik, Ablehnung – ist dann wiederum der Herausgeber selbst zuständig: steingart. Die englische und die russische Version des Beitrags finden Sie inzwischen auch bei Handelsblatt Online unter folgendem Link:

Mit freundlichen Grüßen aus dem sonnigen Düsseldorf

Stefan Schneider
Objektleiter Morning Briefing

Deutschlands Wirtschafts- und Finanzzeitung


Politics: From Vision to Action

Barandat* German General Given Top U.S. Military Position*

For the first time, a non-American will serve as chief of staff for the U.S. Army in Europe.

August 7, 2014 • From

By Richard Palmer

Until recently, Brig. Gen. Markus Laubenthal served in the Bundeswehr, the German Army, commanding Panzerbrigade 12 (12th Armored Brigade) and serving as chief of staff for the International Security Assistance Force (isaf) Regional Command North in Afghanistan. Now he’s one of the top commanders in the United States Army in Europe.

Laubenthal has been appointed the chief of staff for the U.S. Army Europe (usareur), Germany’s defense ministry announced on July 31. This is one of the top offices in usareur, after the commanding general and deputy commanding general. It is the first time a non-American has held this position.

In the U.S. military, a “chief of staff” position is not a command role (except for at the very top). Laubenthal will coordinate staff to do what his commanding officer wants done. Nonetheless, this is an important job.

Laubenthal will be responsible for over 37,000 troops, 90 percent of which are stationed in Germany.The German edition of the Wall Street Journal wrote that he would be “practically the right hand of the commanding general of the U.S. land forces in Europe, Lt. Gen. Donald Campbell Jr.” usareur is responsible for over 37,000 troops, 90 percent of which are stationed in Germany

“It’s a sign of the continuing, very deep cooperation with the Americans,” said Lt. Gen. Rainer Korff, commander of Germany’s multi-nation corps. “We didn’t even have this in the dark times of the Cold War.”

Former Inspector General of the Bundeswehr and former nato Military Committee Chairman Klaus Naumann told Deutschlandradio Kultur that the appointment is a “very large expression of trust.”

When asked if this would give “a German general real insight into American strategies,” Naumann explained that certain things would be marked “noforn”—an abbreviation meaning that no foreigners are allowed to see the document. “That’s a level of secrecy that is common in the United States,” he explained, adding that Laubenthal would not be allowed to “peek” at anything with that designation. However, he will have complete access to “operational concepts for these 37,000 U.S. troops in Europe.”

“He needs to coordinate and manage,” Naumann said.

Naumann explained that the German Army would “certainly benefit” from the new appointment. “For once we have an insight into what is thought in the armed forces of the United States,” he said.

Launbenthal is expected to have assumed his duties on August 4.

“Officials said the addition of a German general officer is part of an American effort to give a more multi-national flavor to its major overseas commands.”
— Army TimesAlong with the U.S. European Command (eucom), usareur is responsible for all American military activity in Europe—including any activity aimed at responding to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine.

Laubenthal’s appointment puts a non-American—and a national of one of the region’s major foreign powers—at the heart of America’s military decision-making. Even though Laubenthal’s job revolves around implementing decisions made by others, it is a huge expression of trust. Someone who is not an American and whose ultimate allegiance is not to America will be advising on and shaping how decisions are made—he will also be in charge of how those decisions are implemented.

It’s something we’ll probably see more of. “Officials said the addition of a German general officer to the usareur … is part of an American effort to give a more multi-national flavor to its major overseas commands,” the Army Times wrote.

America is trying to draw closer to Germany, even as Germany is forging its own path—a subject Trumpet editor in chief Gerald Flurry addressed in a recent Key of David program. Germany, at the head of Europe, is a major power in its own right, and it’s developing a foreign policy independent of the U.S.

This cavalier trust of other nations is not new. Even the close integration with European militaries in nato gives foreign powers a huge amount of insight into how the American military is run. But this trust is dangerous.

America’s security is being entrusted to the good will of other nations. This is built on the assumption that the days of war between major powers are over—something Trumpet executive editor Stephen Flurry discussed in his recent Trumpet Daily episode.


Schwarz-Rot-Oranje: Deutsche und Holländer treiben europäische Armee voran

07.08.14 … wurde die 11. Luftbewegliche Brigade des Königlichen Heeres der Niederlande mit ihren 2100 Soldaten dem Kommando der Division Schnelle Kräfte der Bundeswehr unterstellt …

Einen "Meilenstein der Integration" nannte die Niederländerin Hennis-Plasschaert diesen Schritt ihrer Regierung. Ihre deutsche Kollegin von der Leyen (CDU) sprach vom Beginn einer "neuen Ära" auf dem Weg zu einer europäischen Armee. Und sie deutete an, dass beide Länder gewillt sind, diesen Weg weiter zu beschreiten: "Diese Zusammenarbeit werden wir künftig sogar noch intensivieren."

Wie aus einem Brief von Generalleutnant Bruno Kasdorf an den Vorsitzenden des Verteidigungsausschusses im Bundestag, Hans-Peter Bartels (SPD), hervorgeht, ist das nächste schwarz-rot-orangene Kooperationsprojekt bereits identifiziert. "Die Integration der niederländischen 43. Mechanisierten Brigade in die 1. Panzerdivision wird ebenso angestrebt" …

Neben der Musterkooperation mit den Niederlanden im Westen richtet der Befehlshaber der Landstreitkräfte seinen Blick auch nach Süden und Osten: "Die bilaterale Zusammenarbeit mit Österreich und Polen gewinnt gegenwärtig deutlich an Momentum." Während es in der Kooperation mit der Alpenrepublik vor allem um mehr gemeinsame Ausbildung von "gebirgsspezifischen" Fähigkeiten und eine "Intensivierung der einsatzbezogenen Zusammenarbeit" gehe, seien mit Polen Projekte "in ähnlicher Form wie mit den Niederlanden" angedacht …

12.06.14 Rede Bundesverteidigungsministerin Ursula von der Leyen …

… Today we move into a new era of integration. This ceremony is unique. It is the first time in history that a brigade of the Netherlands army will be integrated in a German division. With the integration of the Dutch 11th airmobile brigade into the rapid forces division we continue an excellent cooperation with the Netherlands armed forces … From today on the military and civilian personal of the 11th airmobile brigade will be placed under his integrated command. I would like to thank minister Hennis-Plasschaert but also the Dutch parliament represented by its members present here today for this trust and confidence. I would very much appreciate if the parliaments of both our nations will support the further development of integrated elements of our armed forces. In the future the Netherlands and Germany will provide air maneuver capabilities for NATO and the European Union in a joint effort …!ut/p/c4/NYuxDsIwDET_yE4kkFo2ShckxMACZUvbKDJq4so4ZeHjSQbupDfc0-ETS5PbKDglTm7BBw4THcYPjHEL8OIsZYVIid7qhXLEe_3MHiZOXivVJ6XCIE5ZYGXRpZosUgzQjIOxfWes-cd-28v-1Fx3TdufuxuuMR5_awEnhg!!/


*The War Against The East Has Ruined An Already Weak Ukrainian Economy*

“Expect Ukraine to be a basket case supported by Europe and by the IMF for years to come.”

By Paolo von Schirach on Aug 07, 2014 02:41 pm

Whatever the military outcome, this costly fight to retain control of the East has essentially bankrupted the country

WASHINGTON – A few weeks ago I wrote that Ukraine should cut its losses by letting its Eastern provinces go. Let them become independent. Let them join Russia. But let them go.

Let the East go

I wrote this advisedly. I recognized then as now that this would have been an unprecedented, truly drastic action, with major repercussions, domestic and global. Giving in to Russia’s political and military pressures, disguised as a spontaneous local rebellion, would have had consequences, none of them positive. It would have meant that the Russian bully wins.

Ukraine is fighting all alone

All true. However, this choice would have allowed the Kiev government to cut its losses and truly focus on the urgent need to fix a horrible economy.

But Ukraine decided instead to fight the rebels, whatever the level of Russian direct or indirect support, even though Ukraine is in an extremely difficult situation, because it has to engage Moscow and its proxies all by itself.

Ukraine is not a member of NATO, therefore no direct support from the West. And, as it turned out, little or zero appetite in Washington and in Brussels for any military support whatsoever, (the US offered meals ready to eat and socks to the Ukrainian army), in order to minimize the chances of an open confrontation with Moscow. Therefore, a few nice words to the Kiev government, some gestures, but that’s about it. The sanctions against Moscow, even if a bit more serious now, still fail to hit the Russian economy really hard.

Ukraine is broke

In the meantime, let’s keep in mind that the Kiev government now fully engaged in this war is essentially broke, while it desperately needs natural gas supplies from Russia, its enemy.

But newly elected president Petro Poroshenko, following God knows what kind of game plan, decided to step up the military effort against the Moscow backed rebels. And it looks as if the situation on the ground has improved. The Ukrainian army is squeezing the rebels.

A deteriorating economy

But these military successes, while relevant, come at a huge cost. As I said, Ukraine is essentially insolvent. It relies for its survival on loans and lines of credit from the IMF, the EU and the US.

An already poor performing economy is in a recession: -4.7% in the second quarter. The official forecast is for a GDP decline of 6 to 7% for 2014. At least 3 percentage points of this steep decline can be ascribed to the cost of the war. Manufacturing output is down 5%. construction is minus 9%. Unemployment is up to 9.3%.

The war is costing too much

From the above it is easy to see how this war in the East, whatever the military successes on the ground, is simply hastening Ukraine’s economic demise. And, even assuming the ability to finally crush the rebellion in the East, (this would also assume that Putin would stop aiding the secessionists), then what?

How would Kiev deal with millions of unhappy and still restless ethnic Russians? Where is the money to rebuild destroyed cities and shattered economies in the East?

I have no idea if anybody even attempted to add all this up. But I suspect, even assuming a quick and favorable end of the hostilities, that we are talking about spending tens of billions of dollars before Ukraine can become a quasi-normal country again.

Tens of billions needed to fix Ukraine

Indeed, if you put together money needed to revitalize the semi-comatose (and sadly very corrupt) overall economy, money needed to rebuild the virtually destroyed East, money to pay old energy bills with Russia and additional funds for future gas supplies, and whatever will be needed to resupply the armed forces, we are talking about billions and billions of dollars, money that Ukraine does not have.

Beyond all this, forget about any campaign to attract new foreign investors. No one will seriously consider a country at war as a good place to set up shop.

To sum it all up, whatever the future of this military campaign, from an economic standpoint Kiev’s all-out effort to crush the rebellion has been a major disaster. And the longer the fighting, the worse the economic impact.

Give up the East, focus on the economy

As I said above, to unilaterally give up the Eastern provinces would have been a terrible loss for Ukraine; but a loss that would have allowed the central government to end this political crisis and redirect all its energies on the economy. Fighting this war, even if in the end there is military success, has made an already bad economic situation a lot worse.

Expect Ukraine to be a basket case supported by Europe and by the IMF for years to come.


Ukraine suggests major revision for Gazprom-EU gas deals*

KIEV, Aug 11 (Reuters) – Ukraine said on Monday European companies would have to agree major contract revisions when purchasing Russian gas if the country’s parliament imposed sanctions on Russian gas export giant Gazprom.

"The main idea is – transit could continue with no problems if this gas is bought at our eastern border by let’s say European companies," a Naftogaz spokeswoman told Reuters.

Earlier on Monday, Naftogaz said it would continue smooth exports of gas to Europe via its territory even if Ukraine imposed its own sanctions on Russia.

Ukraine Prime Minister Arseny Yatseniuk said last week that parliament would debate sanctions against Russia on Tuesday, which could include bans on Russian gas and sanctions against Russian banks.


Middle East

Worldbank: Poor policies Restrain Growth in Seven Middle East & North Africa countries

WASHINGTON, August 7, 2014: Egypt, Tunisia, Iran, Lebanon, Jordan, Yemen and Libya are trapped in a "poor policy – poor growth" cycle, which prevents their economies from moving to a sustainable growth path, says the World Bank in the newly released Quarterly Economic Brief for the Middle East & North Africa region.

The report, titled " Predictions, Perceptions and Economic Reality – Challenges of Seven Middle East and North Africa Countries Described in 14 Charts," finds that the situation has gotten worse after the 2011 uprisings. Despite recent signs of economic improvement in Egypt and Tunisia, growth continues to be weak and cannot generate enough jobs. Fiscal deficits are still high and public debts are growing at a faster pace than before, leaving little space for growth-promoting investment. Private sector activity is sluggish, and the few jobs that are created in the public sector are filled through connections, leaving young people frustrated. Many workers move to the informal sector, creating a large, vulnerable group exposed to external shocks.

"While the problem of high unemployment is especially pernicious in these countries, an even greater problem is that of those working in the informal sector,"says Shanta Devarajan, World Bank Chief Economist for the Middle East and North Africa region. "These people, who are not part of the unemployment statistics, are in an even worse situation, since they lack security in their earnings and often live near the poverty line."

These seven countries have the potential to move to a higher growth path but the sustainability of growth depends heavily on governments‘ choice of economic policies. "There is a risk of policy error if, by trusting economic forecasts that paint a positive outlook for their economies, policymakers resist needed reforms,"says Lili Mottaghi, World Bank MENA Economist and the author of the brief. Studies have shown that there is an optimism bias in growth forecasts for developing regions and in particular for MENA, because these forecasts do not necessarily take into account new information that comes in at the last minute, nor the structural breaks that sometimes drive an economy.

Prompt actions are needed to promote economic activities that deliver sustainable well-being for all citizens. These actions include structural reforms – targeting of subsidies, strengthening the investment climate, improving governance, and removing rigidities in product and labor markets – that are well integrated with economic policies. These reforms are necessary whether the short-term economic prospects are rosy or gloomy. Without them, the private sector will struggle to become a growth driver and create jobs.

*13. August 2014, 10:33, Neue Zürcher Zeitung – Unterwegs im Terrorstaat*

Es sind nicht ganz unabhängige Bilder, aber sie sind eindrücklich und bis jetzt einzigartig: Ein Reporter von Vice News war mit Jihadisten des Islamischen Staats in ihrer Hochburg Rakka unterwegs.

Den vollständigen Artikel finden Sie auf unter: *

The Spread of the Caliphate:

The Islamic State (Part 1)

The Islamic State (Part 2)

The Islamic State (Part 3)

The Islamic State (Part 4)

The Battle for Iraq

Fighting Back Against ISIS: The Battle for Iraq (Dispatch 1) VICE News 9:08

The ISIS Uprising: The Battle for Iraq (Dispatch 2) VICE News 4:46

Kurds Fight for Control of Kirkuk: The Battle for Iraq (Dispatch 3) VICE News 7:07

Clashes Continue as Frontline Tension Escalates: The Battle for Iraq (Dispatch 4) VICE News 10:31

Christian City Under Siege: The Battle for Iraq (Dispatch 5)




Anti-israelische Proteste

"Wer hat uns das denn eingebrockt?"

Rolf Verleger im Gespräch mit Tobias Armbrüster

Palästina ist bei der UNO jetzt ein Beobachterstaat ohne Mitgliedschaft. (picture alliance / dpa / Abir Sultan)

Rolf Verleger, ehemaliges Direktoriums-Mitglied im Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland, wundert sich nicht über die neue Welle des Antisemitismus im Land. Im Deutschlandfunk warf er Repräsentanten des Judentums vor, jede Kritik an Israel als antisemitisch zu erklären. Es müsse erlaubt sein, die israelische Politik zu kritisieren.

Rolf Verleger, ehemaliges Direktoriums-Mitglied im Zentralrat der Juden, äußerte sich im Deutschlandfunk kritisch zur israelischen Politik gegenüber den Palästinensern. Er selber wolle am Mittwoch an einer Demonstration gegen "das Massaker der Israelis in Gaza" teilnehmen, sagte Verleger.

Der Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland hatte sich gestern über eine neue Welle des Judenhasses in Deutschland beklagt. Rolf Verleger sieht diese Einlassung kritisch. Im Deutschlandfunk sagte er: "Wer hat uns das denn eingebrockt?" Wenn Politiker und Medien in Deutschland Israels Politik für richtig hielten und Repräsentanten des Judentums jede Kritik an Israel zur Kritik an Juden erklärten, fordere man antisemitische Parolen geradezu heraus. Man könne ja "nicht jeden Quatsch, den Israel da macht, mitmachen".

Verleger sieht sich mit seiner israel-kritischen Haltung selbst als Minderheit innerhalb des deutschen und europäischen Judentums. Dass viele deutsche Politiker sich aus historischen Gründen vorsichtig gegenüber dem "Unrecht im Nahen Osten" äußern, hält er für falsch. "Was hat das mit meiner ermordeten Verwandtschaft zu tun, dass da jetzt ein solches Unrecht im Nahen Osten geschieht? Man kann doch nicht mit Verweis auf schreckliche Dinge in der Vergangenheit weiter heute Unrecht geschehen lassen." Das sei die völlig falsche Lehre, die dort gezogen werde.

Anti-israelische Proteste – _Wer hat uns das denn eingebrockt_Verleger-DLF.pdf
Worldbank – Poor policies Restrain Growth in Seven Middle East & North Africa countries.pdf
Kaum lsbare Widersprche vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg_ Der Flug des deutschen I.pdf
Der Irrweg des Westens von Gabor Steingart.pdf